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By James F. Eder

For many of the 20 th century, migrant settlers from the Philippines have demonstrated homesteads and new methods of lifestyles on Palawan Island, a one-time woodland barren region. at the island's coastal plains and within the hilly inside, settlers have created dynamic and wealthy groups in response to in the neighborhood variable combos of agricultural and non-agricultural lifeways. This quantity offers an research of socioeconomic swap in a single Palawan settler neighborhood based throughout the Nineteen Forties. in line with particular details on the degrees of neighborhood, loved ones and person spanning a 25-year interval (1970-1995), the chapters focus on 3 uncomplicated subject matters: the improvement of a post-frontier village economic climate; loved ones thoughts for survival and prosperity; and person goals as they relate to rules approximately social status and private worthy. those subject matters are attached into an built-in research of swap locally throughout time and set in the context of wider adjustments in society.

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Additional info for A Generation Later: Household Strategies and Economic Change in the Rural Philippines

Sample text

Agriculture remained a vital component of San Jose’s economy in 1988, and two of its attributes are particularly relevant to the analysis below. First, it is intensive. According to Netting, intensive agriculturalists produce “high annual or multicrop yields from permanent fields that are seldom or never rested, with fertility restored and maintained by such practices as deep tillage, crop diversification and rotation, animal husbandry, fertilization, land surface modification such as ridging or terracing, irrigation, and drainage” (1989:221).

Growing cultural diversity is also visible in the changing geographic origins and ethnolinguistic backgrounds of San Jose residents. In 1971, 75 percent of household coheads had been born in Cuyo, and 86 percent spoke Cuyonon as their first language. By 1995, less than a quarter of San Jose’s household coheads were Cuyo-born. Many had been born in San Jose, but the remainder came from all over: from thirteen other communities in Puerto Princesa City, from eighteen other municipalities in Palawan, from thirty-five provinces in the Philippines, and from four foreign countries.

Cuyo’s sailboating farmers thus became part of an adaptation that allowed the status quo to persist in Cuyo long after the island’s own land proved inadequate to meet local subsistence needs. In some Cuyo households today, it is an adaptation that persists to the present. However, in a longer view for most farmers, the adaptation proved only transitional. By the 1930s and 1940s, continuing population pressure on Cuyo Island and growing awareness of opportunities on Palawan Island to earn both cash and subsistence incomes Developing Community, Developing Region 23 permanently altered the balance of costs and rewards for adhering to the old way of life in Cuyo.

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