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This is a typological characteristic that children acquiring the language cannot disregard. From early on, Hebrewspeaking children become attuned to the structural options available in their native tongue, a knowledge which sets up predispositions governing the acquisition of its grammar (Berman 1984a, 1986b, Slobin 1982, 1985a, and see Dromi, Leonard & Shteiman 1993 for the implications for language disorders). This tendency is strengthened by the obligatory nature of inflectional rules: the young Hebrew learner has no choice but to Table 2.

The synthetic nature of Hebrew morphology has two facets: one, a specifically Semitic one, is the notion of the consonantal root and affixal patterns. Another, which at least superficially resembles non-Semitic languages, is the array of agglutinating and fusional devices that encode most of the grammatical meanings and functions. Once Hebrew-speaking children are past the initial stage of learning unanalyzed amalgams by rote, they must come to terms with this bound nature of their language in order to handle its morphology productively (Borokovsky 1984).

Long u was denoted by Suruq, short u by qibbus (Blau 198Ib, Gesenius 1910). Modern Hebrew does not retain any phonematic quan- The Study Table 3. 37 alef N ? ~0 Met n H x xaf (- kaf) 3 X (-K) x aef E a k kaf 3 k(-x) k let o I t lav n t t waw i w y v^tu y^bl y Table 4. Leveling of historically distinct vowels in Modern Hebrew Orthographic Form Hiriq Suruqlqibbus serey segol Holmn qamas pattaH Historical Form Modern Hebrew i u long £18 short E u e e 0 long a short i 0 a a titative distinctions, and makes 5 qualitative distinctions: High front i, high back i, mid front e, mid back o, and low back a.

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