By Lee Bernstein
Within the Seventies, whereas politicians and activists open air prisons debated the right kind reaction to crime, incarcerated humans contributed to shaping these debates notwithstanding a large diversity of exceptional political and literary writings.
Lee Bernstein explores the forces that sparked a dramatic "prison artwork renaissance," laying off mild on how incarcerated humans produced strong works of writing, functionality, and visible paintings. those incorporated every little thing from George Jackson's progressive Soledad Brother to Miguel Pinero's acclaimed off-Broadway play and Hollywood movie Short Eyes. a rare variety of criminal programs--fine arts, theater, secondary schooling, and prisoner-run programs--allowed the voices of prisoners to persuade the Black Arts circulation, the Nuyorican writers, "New Journalism," and political theater, one of the most crucial aesthetic contributions of the last decade.
By the Nineteen Eighties and '90s, prisoners' academic and inventive courses have been scaled again or eradicated because the "war on crime" escalated. yet through then those prisoners' phrases had crossed over the wall, aiding many americans to reconsider the which means of the partitions themselves and, eventually, the which means of the society that produced them.
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Additional info for America is the prison : arts and politics in prison in the 1970s
In addition to the Black Arts movement, their voices and aesthetics would help shape the Nuyorican writers, “New Journalism,” and political theater, among the most important aesthetic contributions of the decade. Perhaps most important, through their cultural work as much as their riots, incarcerated men and women insisted that they had a stake in the public debates of the day. 47 Others saw the creativity and political transformation of incarcerated people as an exciting harbinger for large-scale social transformation.
24 Roosevelt framed “freedom from fear” as a “basic right,” in part to sell the nation on his plan to enter World War II. Just as Roosevelt translated a European threat into the homey four freedoms (soon immortalized in a series of Norman Rockwell magazine images), Nixon personalized street crime and political disturbances in his foregrounding of domestic law-and-order policies. This would not be a struggle against poverty and economic depression, like Roosevelt’s New Deal or, more to the point, Johnson’s Great Society.
If authorities increased the num38 We S ha ll Have O r d e r ber of “beat patrols,” also known as “preventive patrols,” police officers would be constantly visible in high-crime areas. 54 Crime control, both Wilson and Muir believed—should be primarily an ideological affair. Repressive policing and prisons should be a temporary way to reestablish community controls, not the permanent fixture of a welfare state seeking rehabilitation. S. urban police departments in accelerating the process of centralization, professionalization, and specialization that had been spreading, slowly but clearly, since the proliferation of uniformed urban police forces during the second half of the nineteenth century.